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The only signs of anything amiss are the long snaking queues for bread, sugar and fuel, the absence of maize previously the country's staple food from all shops, and the number of people simply hanging around.

Unemployment has now reached 70 per cent of the working population. In the rural areas that Zimbabwe's Marxist president regards as his stronghold it is a different story.

Furious that so many of "his" people voted against him in elections - which he knows very well he did not really win - and incensed by calls such as that last week from the Bush administration demanding a rerun, he has unleashed his forces to wreak revenge in the most horrible manner.

At his inauguration in April, the year-old who has ruled the country since independence in , warned the opposition: "We'll make them run if they haven't run before.

Officials now speak of "taking the system back to zero" and of reducing the country's 12 million population in a chilling echo of what the Khmer Rouge did in Cambodia in the s and seem to even be employing similar tactics of emptying cities and targeting teachers.

Last week Didymus Mutasa, the organisation secretary of Zanu-PF, said: "We would be better off with only six million people, with our own people who support the liberation struggle.

With rural council elections due next month which the president has no intention of losing, the violence has re-started. What has changed is the focus on women and the blatant use of police along with youth militia who are supposed to be doing national service and call themselves "taliban".

The situation is particularly bad in Manicaland, or Eastern Highlands as the settlers called it, apparently reminded of Scotland by its misty mountains.

In the town of Buhera, anyone who is against Mugabe has been forced to flee. Many have been served with court orders not allowing them back into the area until October 2, three days after the elections.

The outside world has played into Mugabe's hands by focusing on the plight of the 4, white farmers and the bizarre attempts to destroy commercial agriculture at a time when half his population is threatened with starvation.

Hundreds of white farmers have been arrested over the past 10 days for defying a government order to move off their land.

The other evil that he is perpetrating in the countryside is not easy to investigate. Mugabe has stationed two officers from his feared Central Intelligence Organisation in every village; merely talking to a murungu, or white man, can lead to interrogation or beatings.

Driving around remote eastern and northern areas, not knowing who might be watching or what side they might be on is an eerie experience.

In areas such as Hwedza, where most of the farmers have been evicted, the war veterans who have taken over are setting fire to the fields to prepare them for traditional subsistence farming.

Plumes of smoke dot the horizon and flames lick the side of the road - at times it seems as if the whole country is burning. Every so often a white homestead surrounded by red bougainvillea and jacaranda trees comes into view, a strange island amid the blackened land.

In almost every village where people were known to have voted against Mugabe, we pieced together the same story of beatings of teachers and wanton destruction of property.

Everywhere we saw the charred skeletons of burnt bicycles, the main mode of transport of rural MDC workers. The villagers' greatest fear is being taken to one of the camps.

They were set up before the elections to train the youth militia to harass the MDC and many remain in existence. Apparently funded from the Food to Work programme, under which youths are supposed to receive food aid for work such as road building, they form the centres for Mugabe's terror campaign.

We visited one of the most notorious at Bazeley River in Manicaland. On the main road outside the camp was a police roadblock, clearly designed to stop anyone getting near.

With The Corrs blaring from our car stereo, however, they believed our story of being tourists lost in search of a particular mountain and incredibly let us through.

We reached the camp by crossing a narrow bridge and driving up a dirt track. The series of tents around a trestle table at which young men were helping themselves to breakfast looked unnervingly like a scout camp apart from the "Do Not Enter" sign painted angrily on the gate, the surly red-eyed men hanging around wearing T-shirts bearing the legend "The Third Chimurenga", after the liberation war, and pictures of Osama bin Laden.

It was here that year-old Priscilla, whom I had interviewed in a safe house in Harare, was raped repeatedly for three days then had her genitals burnt with a poker.

It was here, too, that Benjamin, a year-old teacher, was badly beaten after having his house burnt down. I told them I had already defecated in my pants but they said: 'No, you must defecate your whole intestines.

When they let me go, they said this is only a taste of what will happen to you. A former member of the youth militia, who fled because he was so appalled at what he was being ordered to do and is now in hiding, agreed to talk to The Sunday Telegraph about what went on in the camp.

So when Zanu-PF people came around our houses I joined. Our doctrine was to be against the white man, he was our worst enemy, and our hero was bin Laden because of the way he stood up against the West.

The idea was to instil fear in people so they would be frightened to vote and to take revenge against those who had. They told us to take them to the bush, that they are daughters of dogs and coconuts, and to bring young ones back to the camp to service us.

When I said we can't do this, that these are our sisters, they accused me of being a 'sell-out' and beat me. Few of the victims are prepared to talk about their experiences.

One who did agree to be interviewed in a safe house in Mutare was a girl called Sara who looks younger than her 16 years. Sara had been left with her year-old brother and orphaned seven-year-old twin cousins when her parents fled their village after numerous beatings and threats, believing that the children would be safer on their own.

They demanded to know where my parents were.

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Is Singular 'They' a Better Choice? Can you spell these 15 tricky spelling words? Can you spell these 10 commonly misspelled words? Do you know the person or title these quotes describe?

Login or Register. Save Word. Log In. First Known Use of toon Noun 1 , in the meaning defined above Noun 2 , in the meaning defined above.

Keep scrolling for more. Learn More about toon. Time Traveler for toon The first known use of toon was in See more words from the same year.

Statistics for toon Look-up Popularity. Comments on toon What made you want to look up toon? Get Word of the Day daily email!

Test Your Vocabulary. In areas such as Hwedza, where most of the farmers have been evicted, the war veterans who have taken over are setting fire to the fields to prepare them for traditional subsistence farming.

Plumes of smoke dot the horizon and flames lick the side of the road - at times it seems as if the whole country is burning.

Every so often a white homestead surrounded by red bougainvillea and jacaranda trees comes into view, a strange island amid the blackened land.

In almost every village where people were known to have voted against Mugabe, we pieced together the same story of beatings of teachers and wanton destruction of property.

Everywhere we saw the charred skeletons of burnt bicycles, the main mode of transport of rural MDC workers.

The villagers' greatest fear is being taken to one of the camps. They were set up before the elections to train the youth militia to harass the MDC and many remain in existence.

Apparently funded from the Food to Work programme, under which youths are supposed to receive food aid for work such as road building, they form the centres for Mugabe's terror campaign.

We visited one of the most notorious at Bazeley River in Manicaland. On the main road outside the camp was a police roadblock, clearly designed to stop anyone getting near.

With The Corrs blaring from our car stereo, however, they believed our story of being tourists lost in search of a particular mountain and incredibly let us through.

We reached the camp by crossing a narrow bridge and driving up a dirt track. The series of tents around a trestle table at which young men were helping themselves to breakfast looked unnervingly like a scout camp apart from the "Do Not Enter" sign painted angrily on the gate, the surly red-eyed men hanging around wearing T-shirts bearing the legend "The Third Chimurenga", after the liberation war, and pictures of Osama bin Laden.

It was here that year-old Priscilla, whom I had interviewed in a safe house in Harare, was raped repeatedly for three days then had her genitals burnt with a poker.

It was here, too, that Benjamin, a year-old teacher, was badly beaten after having his house burnt down.

I told them I had already defecated in my pants but they said: 'No, you must defecate your whole intestines. When they let me go, they said this is only a taste of what will happen to you.

A former member of the youth militia, who fled because he was so appalled at what he was being ordered to do and is now in hiding, agreed to talk to The Sunday Telegraph about what went on in the camp.

So when Zanu-PF people came around our houses I joined. Our doctrine was to be against the white man, he was our worst enemy, and our hero was bin Laden because of the way he stood up against the West.

The idea was to instil fear in people so they would be frightened to vote and to take revenge against those who had. They told us to take them to the bush, that they are daughters of dogs and coconuts, and to bring young ones back to the camp to service us.

When I said we can't do this, that these are our sisters, they accused me of being a 'sell-out' and beat me. Few of the victims are prepared to talk about their experiences.

One who did agree to be interviewed in a safe house in Mutare was a girl called Sara who looks younger than her 16 years.

Sara had been left with her year-old brother and orphaned seven-year-old twin cousins when her parents fled their village after numerous beatings and threats, believing that the children would be safer on their own.

They demanded to know where my parents were. I told them that they were away at a funeral but they refused to believe me. I begged them to stop but they said: 'You must pay the price for what your parents have done.

I said no, and he said: 'Today you start, come and show us the white in you. When he had finished he peed on me. When Sara's father discovered what had happened he was outraged.

This is a monster government doing monstrous things. Terms and Conditions. Style Book. Weather Forecast.

Accessibility links Skip to article Skip to navigation. Monday 22 June Dora, 12, gang-raped by Mugabe's men for four hours In the rape camps of Zimbabwe, young girls are horrifically abused - often to punish Mugabe's political opponents.

Foreign Correspondent of the Year Christina Lamb meets the victims and reveals their anguish. We didn't know what to do, we were just children. In Zimbabwe.

Top news galleries. Telegraph on Facebook.

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